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The late Viktor Frankl, he passed away in
1997, was an Austrian therapist specialising in neurology and
psychiatry. He was also a Viennese Jew, arrested by the Nazis in 1942,
from which time he spent his life in various concentration camps
(including briefly Auschwitz), mostly working in infirmaries as a
psychiatrist and a doctor, until his liberation by the Americans near
Dachau in late 1944. Frankl's observations on suffering in the camps led
him to begin writing Man's Search for Meaning, which he published
in German in 1946 and which has subsequently been translated into
twenty-six languages including English from 1959. This edition includes
a preface by Harvard Professor Gordon Allport, Frankl's preface to a
1992 edition, and a 1984 Postscript entitled 'The Case for a Tragic
Optimism'. The book itself, however, comprises two parts: 'Experiences
in a Concentration Camp' and 'Logotherapy in a Nutshell'.
Fundamentally rooted in existentialism,
Frankl takes up the first and, at 83 pages, the larger part of the book,
to describe his personal experiences in the concentration camp system.
He offers a psychological insight into the prisoners, from the shock of
arrival, through the period of immersion in camp routine, to the point
of release and subsequent liberation. While he found himself surprised
at the levels of endurance afforded by the inmates, Frankl observes
that, 'the thought of suicide was entertained by nearly everyone, if
only for a brief time. It was born of the hopelessness of the
situation.' As the new inmates became desensitised, they passed into the
second stage of psychological reactions, characterised by apathy: 'a
necessary mechanism of self-defence', as well as a consequence of hunger
and lack of sleep. Frankl observed a 'cultural hibernation', except in
politics (mostly rumours about the progress of the war) and religion,
for which he offers his own experience of deepening personal
spirituality. He concluded that the 'intensification of inner life
helped the prisoner find a refuge from the emptiness, desolation and
spiritual poverty of his existence.' Everything not connected with
preservation of self and friends lost its value.
Out of these observations, Frankl draws the
conclusion that the human being is emphatically not completely and
unavoidably influenced by his surroundings. Though his captors could do
anything they wanted to him, they couldn't tell him what to think about
it: 'the sort of person the prisoner became was the result of an inner
decision,' he writes. 'Fundamentally, therefore, any man can, even under
such circumstances, decide what shall become of him.' It is this
'spiritual freedom' that makes life meaningful. Consequently, Frankl
found himself pointing his fellow prisoner's toward future goals in a
bid to give them inner strength through faith in the future. This was
true, also, in the third phase of liberation, in which the oppressed
could become the oppressors, justifying moral deformity, bitterness and
disillusionment through their own experiences. Hence logotherapy,
briefly expounded in the second part, which places the will to
meaning as man's primary motivation. Since the existential vacuum is
a commonplace of contemporary society, these principles and their
resolution transfer themselves readily out of the concentration camp.
The individual must provide his or her own meaning to life, but the
logotherapist can lead them there: the three main avenues being through
a task, through a relationship, or out of suffering. As such, Frankl's
approach is concerned with far more than merely neurotic symptoms.
I was recommended Man's Search for
Meaning by my friend Chris, whom I would describe as a philosopher
of sociology. It has not influenced my thinking previously, but since I
have found it so much in accordance with my own paradigm, that we should
view the world in terms of responsibilities rather than rights, I am
sure it will be something I greatly reference in the future.
Existentialism is largely a consequence of the doubts of the late
nineteenth century and consequently tends toward subjectivism and even
relativism; however, in the postmodern present this can only add to its
appeal. Those with more certain objective truths, and here I am thinking
of both religious fundamentalism and scientific structuralism, may find
Frankl's book superfluous. I think such attitudes ignore the last 200
years of philosophy and are increasingly outmoded. Frankl offers a
paradigm shift here, from what we expect from life to what life expects
from us. 'The world is in a bad state,' he asserts, 'but everything will
become still worse unless each of us does his best.' This is not a new
idea, it is implicit in the work of renaissance humanists, for example;
but by positioning it at the centre of a quest for for the very thing
that has been stripped from our Western, twenty-first century lives,
namely meaning, Frankl has produced a work that has surely become all
the more essential fifty years after first publication. Combined with
the evocative setting of the concentration camps, readers will find
Man's Search for Meaning compelling and, given both its brevity and
the fact that occasional technical words are clearly defined and
exemplified in the text, it makes for easy reading. Surely, therefore,
one of the must read books of the twentieth century.
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'Man's Search for Meaning'
Viktor Frankl
(2004)
147 pages
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As a consequence of a philosophical
post-structural movement largely emanating out of France, historians
over the last thirty years or so have increasingly re-evaluated their
discipline. It would be naïve to impose a teleology on historiography in
which it moved from a simple empiricism, getting dirty in the archives,
through an ultimately flawed attempt to apply principles of science,
such as repeatability, and even mathematics to the subject, to the
recent postmodern challenge to historians that they are advancing their
own, subjective narratives as truth. The debate about removing the
historians from their history is as old as the discipline. Never the
less it is fair to say that the professionalisation of history and the
'linguistic turn' have encouraged an increased self-consciousness in
those who pursue that ever elusive, objective past.
Jordanova is an eminent historian who, at
the time of writing History in Practice, held a chair at the
University of East Anglia and is now at Kings College, London. The
stated aims of her book are simply to posit the issues in the
discipline, put the field in a wider context and then to indicate how
historians actually practise. Consequently, she begins by incorporating
a broad survey of the infrastructures contributing to the study of
history: including educational bodies, publishers, the available
research materials themselves, and (later) disseminating institutions
such as museums. Helpfully, Jordanova makes it clear that one cannot
define history as simply a body of knowledge: its sources, methods,
theories, and its objects and periods of study combine to form a rather
incoherent mass, and part of the skill of the historian is in
determining how to 'cut into the historical cake'. This leads into a
survey of history's relationship with other disciplines and a discussion
of the level of intellectual authority that the historical community can
justifiably claim, particularly in the wake of postmodernism's
deconstruction of causal explanations. After a deeper consideration of
the power of periodisation, especially reification, Jordanova moves this
discussion around to the teaching of history, both in the public forum
and in pedagogy.
I found History and Practice an
extremely thoughtful and insightful book, accessible and easy to read.
It is not structured in the way of typical historiographical surveys,
which move through the development of history as a discipline, from
Ranke onwards. I thought it radiated a softer, more philosophical tone,
particularly moving beyond the scholarly theories towards a holistic
view of historical knowledge: publications, memorials, heritage centres
and historical displays. I have long felt a strong sense that history's
importance lay in the fact that it did not stand alone; that it was
always the 'history of' something else. The context of any and all
things is its history; not only as a past but also as an understanding
of both its present and its trajectory. I therefore found a good deal of
empathy for Jordanova's gentle leadings.
Almost inevitably, the direct challenge of
postmodernism was the elephant in the room as I read this book and I
half anticipated an attempt to construct a robust defence. Instead I
found Jordanova more sensitive to the part played by the historian as
narrator, helpfully discouraging a polarised view of objectivity and
subjectivity, and provocatively suggesting a move from 'truth' to
'trust'. Objective truth, like comprehensiveness, is dismissed as a
chimera: the historian operates a process of selection on the evidence,
but Jordanova does not see this as a weakness. Eclecticism is desirable
if the profession is to self-regulate, but this also requires a
transparent, self-conscious community ready to embrace a range of
approaches. More than anything, it is desirable because historians as a
caste are uniquely positioned to protect 'the past' from abuse:
effectively an ethical obligation. 'The public implications of
historical practice are profound' she concludes. 'Most of us practise
history not just because we love doing so but because we believe it
matters to everyone precisely what accounts are given of the
past'.
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'History in Practice'
Ludmilla Jordanova
(2000)
207 pages
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